Jul 2026· Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence· 0 citations
Abstract
This article provides an in-depth analysis of the large-scale transformation of national security public policy and comprehensively conceptualises the role of civil society as a key proactive subject in ensuring national resilience amidst a full-scale armed conflict. It is compellingly argued that a modern war of attrition objectively negates the efficacy of exclusively military instruments and rigid hierarchical governance, inevitably demanding a rapid transition towards a polycentric model of cooperation. The phenomenon of unprecedented civic mobilisation in Ukraine is analysed in detail, vividly manifested through the institutionalisation of the volunteer movement, systematic crowdfunding, support for vulnerable populations, and the prompt protection of critical infrastructure. The study also investigates the participation of non-governmental organisations in international advocacy, the debunking of hostile narratives, and the direct documentation of war crimes. It is substantiated that the synergy within the functional «government–society–business» triangle forms a robust, multi-level ecosystem for countering existential crises. Significant emphasis is placed on the strategic importance of decentralised network models, wherein diverse non-state actors not only successfully absorb destructive shocks but also act as the primary drivers of the early recovery process based strictly on a bottom-up approach. The complex demographic and crucial socio-psychological dimensions of national resilience are examined separately, particularly the invaluable role of civic initiatives in preserving domestic human capital and ensuring the continuity of the educational process. Special attention is given to the issues of veteran reintegration and the social adaptation of internally displaced persons as guarantees of societal cohesion. Furthermore, the core contemporary challenges facing the non-governmental sector are outlined, encompassing not only the critical emotional burnout of activists but also the gradual contraction of donor funding and various regulatory inconsistencies. A comprehensive conclusion is drawn regarding the urgent necessity for further legislative and institutional consolidation of an equitable partnership between the state and society to guarantee the long-term sustainable development of the entire nation.
This article presents a comprehensive, systematic, and multidimensional theoretical and empirical analysis of the functioning of media institutions in a democratic society under the direct and prolonged influence of an existential military threat. The evolutionary trajectory of strategic communication models is examined through the example of Ukraine’s experience countering the full-scale invasion by the Russian Federation during 2014–2026. It has been established that this complex evolution is characterized by a fundamental transition from a reactive, defense-oriented model (primarily aimed at refuting disinformation) to a proactive strategy of deliberately constructing a national grand narrative, a vivid and effective example of which is the large-scale information campaign “Be Brave Like Ukraine”. The study highlights key trends in the exponential growth of the influence of unregulated digital platforms and messaging apps (primarily Telegram) in a context where cognitive influence plays a key role in the hybrid component of warfare. In addition, a thorough theoretical extrapolation and an in-depth comparison were conducted with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) current doctrinal approaches to the organization of strategic communications and information operations (in accordance with the current basic standards AJP-10, AJP-10. 1 and AJP-10.3). Additionally, an expanded comparative analysis of the experience of managing the information environment during recent high-intensity armed conflicts in various geopolitical macro-regions was conducted. In particular, the State of Israel’s experience during the military operation “Iron Swords” was analyzed. Sociological tools were used to examine the relationship between the intensity of information flow consumption, the psychological state of the population, and the preservation of institutional trust in the government during periods of peak security tension. The study also examines the Republic of Turkey’s strategy during cross-border military operations, specifically the use of the geostrategic doctrine of the “Blue Homeland” as a conceptual framework for public diplomacy to articulate the state’s maritime interests and consolidate domestic consensus on security issues. The study’s findings reveal that mass communication institutions are among the fundamental and system-forming factors in global competition for cognitive dominance, facilitating the comprehensive mobilization of societal resources.
Alexey Chernobai, Alexander Kulchytskyi, D. Simanskyi· Scientific notes of the Inst...· 0 citations
Frontline democracies are presently confronted with a significant problem between the universal moral imperatives of humanitarian law and the urgent, existential demands of national security. This article examines the operation of democratic accountability in high-intensity conflict by analyzing the differing reactions of Lithuania and Ukraine to the Ottawa Convention after the full-scale Russian invasion in February 2022. This research employs a qualitative comparative case study strategy grounded in the most-similar systems concept, integrating the institutional paradigm with E. de Vattel’s classical law of nations doctrine and Ch. Hyde’s principle of good faith about state responsibility. These frameworks offer a comprehensive analytical perspective to assess the significant and intentional constraints imposed on the use of coercive force within a democratic government. The analysis indicates a notable divergence in legal strategic adaptations: Lithuania adhered to a legally conventional approach of formal withdrawal to reintroduce anti-personnel mines for strategic deterrence, whereas Ukraine opted for a necessity-driven temporary suspension of humanitarian law obligations while technically preserving its formal status as a State Party. This comparison illustrates that differing institutional contexts – specifically NATO and EU membership compared to active, full-scale warfare – profoundly alter the principle of good faith and the practical implementation of domestic accountability measures. This article concludes that maintaining rigorous democratic oversight in military decision-making is not only possible but essential even during a state of emergency. It ultimately reinforces the vital necessity of stringent persistent societal scrutiny to prevent the degradation of democratic norms during prolonged crises, ensuring that state survival remains anchored in a steadfast commitment to civilian protection.
Taras Ivanec· Frontiers in Political Scien...· 0 citations
Over the last decades, conflicts surrounding the implementation of large-scale infrastructural and energy projects have made visible significant transformations in the relationship between law, power, and dissent. Drawing on the analysis of the No TAV movement in Val di Susa and the No TAP movement in Apulia, this article examines the role of legal, administrative, and security practices in shaping specific forms of governing conflict. Building on Michel Foucault’s genealogical perspective and his analysis of the
Nu-pieds Sedition
developed in
Penal Theories and Institutions
, the article approaches the event as an analytical entry point to investigate the ways in which power redefines its techniques of intervention when confronted with persistent forms of collective opposition. The analysis highlights a progressive shift from the centrality of criminal law towards a broader articulation of administrative, preventive, and security dispositifs aimed at regulating the conditions under which conflict takes shape. From this perspective, law emerges as a technique of government that participates in defining the boundaries of political legitimacy and transforming the relations between governing and governed subjects. The cases analysed thus shed light on how counter-conducts trigger a reorganization of the modalities through which power is exercised, revealing the process through which specific legal techniques for governing conflict are formed, transformed, and progressively sedimented.
Angelo Galiano· International Journal for th...· 0 citations
The article provides a comprehensive, multi-dimensional conceptual analysis of the dynamic processes transforming the economic function of the modern democratic state amidst progressing, unprecedented global geoeconomic shifts and the direct impact of the extreme legal regime of martial law. The study is based on the postulate that the current global architecture is in a state of «polycrisis,» where economic instruments are increasingly utilized as tools of political pressure. It is demonstrated that the traditional free-market paradigm (laissez-faire) has faced a definitive conceptual collapse under the destructive pressure of hybrid confrontations and the deliberate weaponization of international trade interdependencies, where energy resources, logistics chains, and critical technologies are transformed into instruments of aggression.
The study argues for the categorical necessity of a fundamental rethinking of the institutional nature of statehood. This entails a decisive rejection of the outdated concept of the state as a «night watchman» or a passive macroeconomic observer in favor of constructing a model of a proactive architect of strategic autonomy. An innovative synergetic paradigm is conceptualized, according to which ensuring comprehensive economic security must become the fundamental integrative core of all internal state management policies–ranging from industrial and fiscal to educational and cultural sectors.
The research thoroughly characterizes the functional potential of the national defense-industrial complex. It is positioned not as a financial burden on the budget or a recipient of subsidies, but as the most powerful multiplicative driver of innovative growth. This is achieved through the active scaling of advanced dual-use technologies, the creation of high-tech clusters, and the stimulation of research and development (R&D), which yields significant spin-off effects for civilian economic sectors.
Special attention is paid to the social dimension of economic security within the context of systemic anti-fragility. It is emphasized that the qualitative reproduction of human potential, overcoming the catastrophic consequences of the demographic crisis caused by migration waves, and stimulating the reintegration of human capital unconditionally require a rejection of ineffective, passive social macro-policies. The article substantiates a systemic transformation toward building a «society of participation» and industrial democracy, where the involvement of citizens in economic processes and asset management catalyzes social cohesion. Such inclusiveness is identified as the most effective absorber of external macro-shocks.
It is logically concluded that the deep institutionalization of security imperatives and the transition to a «resilience state» model will allow the state not only to withstand current challenges but also to ensure continuous post-war macroeconomic recovery. The newly formed subjectivity of the state will provide long-term stability against unpredictable geopolitical shocks of the future, turning the crisis into a point of fundamental renewal of the socio-economic contract.
O. B. Sobora· Analytical and Comparative J...· 0 citations
This paper develops a conceptual perspective on how a series of major crises, from the “war on terror” (2001) to today's wave of budgetary austerity measures, has created a widespread sense of perpetual emergency among political leaders. Through a habituation effect, prolonged exposure to crisis-driven exceptional measures has gradually normalized illiberal and populist practices, even among mainstream liberal-democratic governments. The paper addresses a notable gap in the existing literature. While democratic backsliding and bureaucratic politicization have received considerable scholarly attention, the long-term cumulative impact of stratified crises on the democratic resilience of public administration remains underexplored. By conceptualizing the habituation effect as a central mechanism, this study identifies four governance trends that undermine the neutrality, autonomy, and democratic character of public administration: the (re)politicization and bullying of civil servants, the erosion of autonomous public agencies, the rapid and often poorly regulated deployment of digital technologies and artificial intelligence, and the increasing bypassing of parliamentary oversight. Ultimately, the study argues that public administration should not be “cut too close to the bone” and therefore instrumentalized to achieve short-term efficiency. Instead, it should be empowered to adopt a public-value-oriented approach that safeguards its democratic resilience and serves as a critical institutional veto point against populist and illiberal encroachments.
Efforts to reduce the size of public administration must never weaken its internal checks and balances or its ability to resist populist pressures and illiberal political interference.
Simplifying rules and procedures should always be paired with a stronger focus on the core mission of modern public administration—delivering real value to citizens and society.
When using artificial intelligence in the public sector, actively engage AI specialists and relevant stakeholders to prevent problems such as data biases, discrimination, and unfair outcomes.
Greater emphasis should be placed on protecting and empowering independent agencies, as they play a vital role in safeguarding the democratic resilience of public administration.
Cătălin-Valentin Raiu· International Review of Admi...· 0 citations
The article examines the transformation of the system of financial provision of local self-government in Ukraine under the legal regime of martial law triggered by the full-scale armed invasion of Russia. It is shown that the introduced centralisation decisions, the redistribution of fiscal
powers in favour of military administrations and the deformation of the revenue base of local budgets have generated a deep institutional contradiction between the constitutionally guaranteed financial autonomy of communities and the requirements of crisis management, as well as a pronounced
“war asymmetry” between frontline, de-occupied and host communities. Building on a synthesis of
scholarly approaches and the practice of 2022–2024, the article substantiates the need to move
from the fragmented use of anti-crisis instruments to a coherent institutional architecture of financial provision adapted to both the active phase of the war and the post-war recovery. A formalised
typology of anti-crisis mechanisms is proposed, based on four classification dimensions — source of
resources, duration of application, degree of restriction of budgetary autonomy and level of institutional responsibility — which makes it possible to systematise intra-budgetary, external donor and
quasi-market instruments. The article develops a conceptual model of an integral “war coefficient”
of financial resilience of communities, which incorporates proximity to the combat zone, scale of
destruction, demographic burden, loss of own revenues and the structure of security-related expenditures, and can be used as an adjustment parameter in horizontal equalisation formulas. The concept of financial resilience of a community in wartime is operationalised as a dynamic adaptive
capacity encompassing the dimensions of absorption, adaptation, recovery and transformation, and
an indicator system for its measurement is proposed. It is argued that the strategic benchmark for
reforming local public finance should be the transformation of temporary crisis decisions into permanent instruments of the financial architecture of post-war recovery, accompanied by the harmonisation of reporting and budget planning standards with the requirements of the European
Union.
Vitalii Lynnyk, Тetyana Nazarova· Actual Problems of Economics· 0 citations