LLMs are rapidly embedding themselves into daily life: drafting our emails, managing our schedules, and making decisions on our behalf. As they move from individual tools to participants in multi-agent organizations, an important question arises: do they reproduce the governance failures like free-riding, corruption, and entrenched leadership that plague human institutions? We introduce the Hierarchical Game (HG), a public goods game extended with managerial authority, democratic elections, and private communication. Testing six frontier models across twelve experiments that add institutions one at a time (speech, peers, government, wages, oversight, elections), we find distinct behavioral profiles: Qwen promises and lies (13.3\% broken promises); Grok refuses to cooperate on its own but becomes fully cooperative once a manager can punish it (16\%$\to$100\%); Claude and GPT-4o cooperate reliably at baseline. But honesty proves fragile. When the manager role comes with a salary, all models except GPT-4o start cutting private deals to win or keep the position. When punishment is made anonymous, honest models begin to cheat. When all agents share the same model family, the first elected manager stays in power indefinitely. Leadership change only happens in groups that mix different families.
In the 2026 Freebairn lecture, I argue that Australia's prosperity can no longer be taken for granted. Despite strong foundations—stable institutions, natural resources and a diverse population — the country faces weakening productivity, unaffordable housing, stagnant wages and a deteriorating global order. I conte...
Allegra Spender· Australian Economic Review· 0 citations
As LLMs increasingly shape the political information citizens rely on, no standard exists to assess whether they do so responsibly. We introduce Polistemics, a theory-grounded diagnostic benchmark for evaluating LLMs as mediators of political information in elections. Prior work has treated this task as reproduction ra...
B. Peters, Gabor Hollbeck, Robert Jakob et al.· arXiv.org· 0 citations
Voters in multiparty systems often fail to coordinate on majority-preferred parties. Using constituency-level election data linked to party-ideology measures across 96 countries, we show that in 20–30% of multiparty elections since 1940 the Condorcet winner does not win, and in roughly 10% the winner is the Condorcet l...
F. Capozza, Ruben Durante, S. George· CESifo working papers· 0 citations
How does contested governance by states and competing armed actors affect the behavior of the governed? During civil conflicts, rebel organizations frequently provide public goods, judicial arbitration, and security, but these forms of governance often operate
alongside
local state institutions. Beyond avoiding vio...
Brandon Bolte, Vineeta Yadav, Bumba Mukherjee· American Political Science R...· 0 citations
Tariff threats can move household beliefs before policy is enacted, yet their rapidly changing language is difficult to study with conventional surveys. We build a multi-agent system that turns 300 households from the Michigan Surveys of Consumers into persistent large-language-model agents exposed to social-media info...
Jianhao Lin, Lexuan Sun, Yixin Yan· 0 citations
We use cookies to run the site and, with your consent, for analytics and to show ads.
See our Cookie Policy.