(In)definiteness-driven Agreement Patterns in Ukrainian Numeral Phrases

Abstract

Slavic numeral phrases (numerically quantified expressions) have been a constant target of inquiry because of tangled agreement relations of a twofold nature. First, the agreement of the cardinal with the complement noun varies for paucal cardinals and higher cardinals five and above. Second, higher numerals exhibit ‘optional’ agreement with the verb, which may appear in singular neuter or plural form. We show that the ‘optional’ agreement varies upon the definiteness and determinacy of the referent of the numeral phrase. In showing that, we present data from the distribution of reciprocal and reflexive pronouns, approximative inversion, and collective nouns with numerals. Our analysis is typologically compatible with research on definiteness and plurality in Western Armenian (Sigler 1997), plurality and animacy in Turkish (Alexiadou 2019), and languages marking verbs for definiteness (Ortmann 2000), contributing to the study of morphological economy and pragmatic effects on agreement (Danon 2010; Corbett 2023).